Politics Isn't Working
What is Direct Democracy?
Direct Democracy would be such a paradigm shift for the citizens and institutions of power in the UK that it is demanding to explain in a single soundbite. So entrenched is the hegemony of our current systems of governing that several imaginative leaps are required to pierce our reality and see a new world of possibilities. We believe Direct Democracy would end party politics and chart a course to a more equal and free society. Truth, Freedom, Justice, Autonomy for all!
The evolution of democracy - from ancient Athens, to Westminster, to a digital and Direct Democracy for all
A World Without Politicians
First, question what your MP has ever done for you. Many people, it is regularly reported, cannot name their local MP. Some do know and despise their local MP. Some will have voted for them and will be happy that they won election. Regardless of those positions, ask yourself, what can your MP actually do for you?
The quintessential delusion of Representative Democracy (the current system of governance in the UK) is that an MP is representing your views in Parliament. The issue of Brexit illustrated perfectly, with numerous examples, how an MP representing a constituency which voted to "Leave", would vote against Parliamentary Bills designed to legalise the UK's exit from the EU. These MPs voted in accordance with their own beliefs, following their own hearts and minds.
In regular surgeries, MPs meet their constituents and are asked to help solve their problems, which are often caused by the complexities of UK bureaucracy. Issues of Benefits, Immigration, Health and Welfare are frequently cited. Due to the pressures of workload, MPs can do little more than write - with their fabled headed notepaper - to local administrators who are responsible for such matters. A reformed bureaucracy would not require the “clout” MPs can supposedly bring to solving such issues.
Next, understand that becoming a Member of Parliament is simply a form of employment, no longer a calling or noble pursuit. MPs are well paid for their time. As of April 2020 the basic annual salary of a Member of Parliament in the House of Commons is £81,932. In addition, MPs are able to claim allowances to cover the costs of running an office and employing staff, and maintaining a constituency residence or a residence in London. This self-policed allowances system was central to the MPs expenses scandal that emerged in 2009.
Becoming an MP is however unlike any other job. MPs can find themselves in positions of such power and privilege that they may believe that the rules do not apply to them. MPs can retain their positions in the face of criminal accusations, sex scandals and gross incompetence. History is littered with so many political scandals that acceptance of their inevitability is now "priced in" to governance. Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.
Returning to aptitude, ask yourself, what is it that MPs think they can achieve? The vast majority of MPs will play no meaningful role in history - assuming they avoid scandal. They will vote the way they are whipped, repeat the party line in interviews and ask a few questions in the House and maybe on Select Committees. MPs do not single-handedly make laws and ensure they are policed. This is the function of the permanent institutions of power like the civil service and society itself - often described as the Social Contract.
The Social Contract
With the famous phrase, "man is born free, but he is everywhere in chains," Jean-Jacques Rousseau asserted that modern states repress freedom in wider society and legitimate political authority can come only from a social contract agreed upon by all citizens for their mutual preservation.
Published in 1762 Rousseau's The Social Contract helped inspire political reforms and revolutions in Europe. Rousseau argued against the idea that monarchs were divinely empowered to legislate, asserting that only the people, who are sovereign, have that right.
Rousseau theorised about the best way to establish a political community within the complexities of mass society. Rules, Rousseau believed, should be decided upon by the people, but society as a whole should mandate them.
Society and the laws that govern it are self-enforced by the citizens who want to live safe and free. The power of the social contract is it's frictionless invisibility - an unquestioned set of values and norms.
The vast majority of citizens do not commit crimes, whereas the small minority of those who lead us regularly act above the law, to devastating effect on our society.
Those in power maintain their position and privilege by reinforcing the myths of a ruling elite. We were born to rule. We rule so you don't have to. We rule because there is no alternative.
Myths of Power
Mythologies by Roland Barthes is a useful text for politics and sociology. Mythologies are human constructions that portray occurrences in ways that mask an underlying reality. An example of myth is the role of the conductor of an orchestra. Would the talented and trained musicians be able to play a piece of music without the frantic gesticulations of a conductor? Multiple myths hold our society together, for good and ill. None more pervasive than MPs being “servants of the people”.
Myth, writes Bathes, 'abolishes the complexity of human acts, it gives them the simplicity of essences'. Myth removes our understanding of concepts and beliefs as created by humans. Instead, myth presents such as something natural and innocent, including aspects of politics.
The power of myth is that the impression is more powerful than any rational explanations which can disprove it. Myth works not because it hides its intentions, but because the intentions of myth have been naturalised. Through myth, one can naturalise “government” and shield it's actions with inoculation.
For example, the government admits the harm brought by one of its institutes, say the Home Office's Hostile Environment Policy. By focusing on one institute, myth hides the tyranny of the system. In 'admitting the accidental evil of a class-bound institution in order to conceal its principal evil' a 'small inoculation of acknowledged evil' protects against 'the risk of a generalised subversion.'
Due to the scandal resulting from the Hostile Environment Policy, Home Secretary Amber Rudd was forced to resign for the policies of her predecessor Theresa May who was then Prime Minister. Mythology allowed for the inoculation of the government as a whole, while a singular person and policy took the blame.
It is myth that holds that 650 MPs "run" the country, or that our singular leaders do either. Would a country fall apart if 650 law maker were to simply leave the stage? In that event we could begin the work of governing ourselves at increasingly local levels, free from the ideological constraints of the political party system.
It's worth noting that the modern European country of Belgium went without a government for 589 days, ending on the the 6th of December 2011 when the Di Rupo government was sworn in. As Jacob Rees-Mogg noted at the height of Britain's Brexit parliamentary paralysis "nobody seemed to notice".
Lobbying
Who then do MPs serve? Like anyone in employment they seek to retain and increase their salary. In other words, they serve themselves. More dangerous for democracy is the evidence that they increasingly serve the interests of moneyed lobbyists.
As Peter Geoghegan forensically exposes in Democracy for Sale: Dark Money and Dirty Politics democracies are in crisis as unaccountable and untraceable flows of money utterly distorts politics worldwide. Antiquated electoral laws are broken with impunity and secretive lobbying bends our politics out of shape.
Lobbyists operate in the shadows deliberately and their influence increases when it goes largely unnoticed by the public. But if the reasons why companies lobby are often obscured, it is always a tactical investment. Whether facing down a threat to profits from a corporate tax hike, or pushing for market opportunities - such as government privatisations - lobbying has become another way of making money.
A guide to lobbying and legalised bribery
Control the ground
Lobbyists succeed by owning the terms of debate, steering conversations away from those they can't win and on to those they can. If a public discussion on a company's environmental impact is unwelcome, lobbyists will push instead to have a debate with politicians and the media on the hypothetical economic benefits of their ambitions. Once this narrowly framed conversation becomes dominant, dissenting voices will appear marginal and irrelevant.
Spin the media
The trick is in knowing when to use the press and when to avoid it. The more noise there is, the less control lobbyists have. When talking to the government, the media is crucial. Messages are carefully crafted. Even if the corporate goal is pure, self-interested profit-making, it will be dressed up to appear synonymous with a wider, national interest, like economic growth and jobs.
In early 2011, lobbyist James Bethell of Westbourne Communications was parachuted in to rescue the £43bn project, which had initially been sold by ministers on the marginal benefits to a few commuters. Westbourne reframed the debate to make it about jobs and economic growth. The new messaging focused on a narrative that pitted wealthy people in the Chilterns worried about their hunting rights against the economic benefits to the north.
Engineer a following
It doesn't help if a corporation is the only one making the case to government. That looks like special pleading. What is needed is a critical mass of voices singing to its tune. This can be engineered - a process often described as Astroturfing.
Buy in credibility
Corporations are one of the least credible sources of information for the public. What they need, therefore, are authentic, seemingly independent people to carry their message for them.
One nuclear lobbyist admitted it spread messages "via third-party opinion because the public would be suspicious if we started ramming pro-nuclear messages down their throats". The tobacco companies are pioneers of this technique. Their recent campaign against plain packaging has seen them fund newsagents to push the economic case against the policy and encourage trading standards officers to lobby their MPs. British American Tobacco also currently funds the Common Sense Alliance, which is fronted by two ex-policemen and campaigns against "irrational" regulation.
Sponsor a Thinktank
Thinktanks can provide companies with a lobbying package: a media-friendly report, a Westminster event and ear-time with politicians.
Consult your critics
Companies faced with a development that has drawn the ire of a local community will often engage lobbyists to run a public consultation exercise. For some in the business, community consultation – anything from running focus groups, exhibitions, planning exercises and public meetings – is a means of flushing out opposition and providing a managed channel through which would-be opponents can voice concerns. Opportunities to influence the outcome, whether it is preventing an out-of-town supermarket or protecting local health services, are almost always nil.
Neutralise the opposition
Lobbyists see their battles with opposition activists as "guerilla warfare". They want the government to listen to their message, but ignore counter arguments coming from campaigners, such as environmentalists, who have long been the bane of commercial lobbyists.
Lobbyists have developed a sliding scale of tactics to neutralise such a threat. Monitoring of opposition groups is common: one lobbyist from agency Edelman talks of the need for "360-degree monitoring" of the internet, complete with online "listening posts ... so they can pick up the first warning signals" of activist activity. "The person making a lot of noise is probably not the influential one, you've got to find the influential one,"
Lobbyists have also long employed divide-and-rule tactics. One Shell strategy proposed to "differentiate interest groups into friends and foes", building relationships with the former, while making it "more difficult for hardcore campaigners to sustain their campaigns"
Then there are the more serious activities used primarily when big-money commercial interests are threatened, such as the infiltration of opposition groups, otherwise known as spying. Household names such as Shell, BAE Systems and Nestlé have all been exposed for spying on their critics. Wikileaks' Global Intelligence Files revealed that groups such as Greenpeace, Amnesty International and animal rights organisation Peta were all monitored by global intelligence company Stratfor, once described as a "shadow CIA".
Control the web
Today's world is a digital democracy, say lobbyists. Gone are the old certainties of how decisions were made "by having lunch with an MP, or taking a journalist out," laments one. It presents a challenge, but not an insurmountable one.
One key way to control information online is to flood the web with positive information, which is not as benign as it sounds. Lobbying agencies create phoney blogs for clients and press releases that no journalist will read – all positive content that fools search engines into pushing the dummy content above the negative, driving the output of critics down Google rankings. Relying on the fact that few of us regularly click beyond the first page of search results, lobbyists make negative content "disappear".
Open the door
Without doubt, lobbyists need access to politicians. This doesn't always equate to influence, but deals can only be cooked up once in the kitchen. And access to politicians can be bought. It is not a cash deal, rather an investment is made in the relationship. Lobbyists build trust, offer help and accept favour.
The best way to shortcut the process of relationship-building is to hire politicians' friends, in the form of ex-employees or colleagues. Lobbyists are Westminster and Whitehall insiders, among them many former ministers. "You may remember me from my time as Minister of State for Transport," wrote Stephen Ladyman as he lobbied a potential government client in his new role as a paid adviser to a transport company. "I do indeed and am delighted to hear from you," replied the official. "We would be interested to hear your proposals." He had just opened the door.
10. The revolving door
There is the perception, at least, that decisions taken in government could be influenced by the reward of future employment. It's a concern that has been expressed for the best part of a century. Today, however, the number of people moving through the revolving door is off the scale.
The top rung of the Department of Health has in recent years experienced huge traffic towards the private sector. The department that sees more movement than any other, though, is still the Ministry of Defence. Since 1996, officials and military officers have taken up more than 3,500 jobs in arms and defence related companies.
Government is the arms industry's biggest customer and the MoD's closeness to its suppliers is widely known. It is also gaining a reputation for its disastrously expensive contracts that deliver poor value for taxpayers and often poor performance for the military. More than one commentator has asked whether the two are connected.
Accountability
If MPs are partisan but ineffectual self-serving middle men and women, serving only their own and the interests of donors, couldn't we do without them? The primary concern citizens have with this is accountability. Who would be held accountable in a United Kingdom without MPs? We cannot answer this question without first asking, who is held accountable now? Who was held accountable for the Grenfell Tower disaster? Who was held accountable for the Iraq War and the thousands of deaths it caused? Who will be held account for failing to to heed the warnings exposed by Exercise Cygnus - a 2016 simulation of a pandemic which found holes in the UK's readiness for such a crisis.
MPs routinely dodge accountability. It is considered a sport which comes with the job - a game of dodgeball played with the press and public. Political corruption is of course facilitated by politicians. If they ceased to exist we could reduce corruption overnight.
Naturally, corruption would find other avenues to exploit, with powerful vested interests maintaining their positions outside of politics. Such illegal corruption should continue to be a police matter.
Borderline legal corruption is better known as cronyism. With an 80 seat majority the current Conservative government has committed several acts of egregious cronyism, believing it is safe to do so, years away from a future general election.
Two scandals from summer 2020 include; Robert Jenrick accepting that his approval of property developer Richard Desmond's project on the old Westferry Road printworks was unlawful and Prime Minister Boris Johnson adding to the unelected House of Lords party donors and his own brother. Tory cronyism plumbed new depths during the pandemic as billions of pounds of public money was wasted. Political researcher Sophie E. Hill was able to plot the government's Outsourcing in brilliant visual way on her site My Little Crony.
Accountability for most aspects of society could be handled by a reformed, localised, empowered and democratised civil service.
A Democratised Civil Service
The institutions that do the most work towards the actual implementation of laws - new and old - and governance of the nation as a whole is the Civil Service. In 2018 a democratic audit was commissioned and it's findings were illuminating.
Current identified weaknesses included, 'generalist', 'amateurist' short-term thinking and planning; a ‘weak capacity to speak truth to power'; which suffers from ‘ministerial hyper-activism, [and] pointless party political policy churn’.
'It greatly under-values the salience of digital change, evidence-based policy-making, workforce expertise commitment, and the incremental improvement of services'.
'The 'revolving door' denotes a set-up where senior mandarins can retire or leave their posts, but then move into private consultancy jobs or posts in public service contractor firms.'
'There have been some notable and recurrent lapses in the equal treatment of some black and ethnic minority citizens, women and people with physical or mental disabilities within the police, prisons service, NHS and local government, with a succession of adverse scandals. The Windrush scandal exposed a systematic race-biased Whitehall policy stance enforced over many years'.
'Corruption blackspots remain, especially in areas like overseas sales of defence equipment, and private contractors taking over government-run services on a payment-by-results basis.'
Future threats are also identified. 'A loss of EU migration is likely to adversely impact labour shortages, most particularly in the NHS.'
'New public management' strategies plus many years of austerity policies have worn thin the UK state's capacity to cope with crises and unexpected contingencies. The August 2011 riots in London and some other cities showed one kind of vulnerability, eventually requiring 16,000 police on the streets to bring them to an end. And the 2017 Grenfell Tower disaster and scandals around building safety de-regulation demonstrated another facet of the same underlying fragility.'
Direct Democracy UK believes that the UK Civil Service requires reform, but not the kind pursued by Boris Johnson with the ideology of Dominic Cummings that would kneecap and subjugate it to the current ruling party. Our reforms would build a local and collaborative Civil Service. We do not seek to secure power for ordinary citizens only to then hand it back to an unaccountable bureaucracy.
A Codified Constitution
The UK is one of the few countries on earth without a specifically written constitution. We share the dubious honour of governing with an uncodified constitution with a few countries such as China, Saudi Arabia and Israel.
Instead of a written constitution which we could turn to in times of crisis and upheaval - such as ours - to clarify matters of state, the UK instead relies on tradition and convention. These gentlemen's agreements, as Boris Johnson proved in 2019, are easily (though illegally) subverted.
The prorogation controversy of Autumn 2019 crystallised why the UK needs a written constitution. We can no longer rely on the "Good Chap" theory of government. We need to get our house in order before it burns down. Jemma Neville writes:
'The drafting process itself could prove a useful tool for pulling the country back together. The conversations it prompts will be as important as the text itself.'
'It will need to be a living document with the flexibility to be interpreted as the world changes. Recent debates on gun control in the US and the right to self-determination in Catalonia demonstrate that constitutions can also be barriers to change if they do not allow for contemporary amendments.'
'The UK constitution is still a piecemeal collection of conventions and common law open to misuse and abuse. The current crisis demands that we put this right and agree a written constitution that clarifies beyond doubt the separation of legislative, judicial and executive powers and the role, if any, of the monarchy. This would be hugely preferable to the current situation, which requires expensive judicial reviews to decipher the blurring of legal and political power.'
'In Iceland, following economic collapse in 2008, the crowdsourcing of a written constitution began with people sitting down to talk about the basic values they shared with their neighbours. By and large, the Icelandic drafting was not done by constitutional law experts – members of the public were selected by ballot and included a farmer, a truck driver, a pastor, a film-maker, a student and the director of an art museum. Conversations took place in town halls, on social media and even in knitting circles. The resulting Icelandic Constitutional Council opted to give legal personality to nature itself.'
An Elected Second Chamber or none
The UK is the only democracy in the world - with the exception of Canada, that has an unelected second chamber. An obvious democratic deficit, the House of Lords, has presented problems and opportunities for many administrations, particularly in the last 50 years. The largest recorded annual number of Lords defeats - 126 - occurred under Labour in 1975-76. Defeats under the Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown were also commonplace, with 12 occurring on the 2005-6 Identity Cards Bill.
The last piece of legislation on reform of the House of Lords was the 1999 House of Lords Act which removed the majority of hereditary peers, leaving life peers in the majority.
This was supposed to be the beginning of a process that removed all hereditary peers but, despite much debate in Parliament, no further reform Acts have been passed.
'The Lords is now the second largest parliamentary chamber in the world, more than twice as big as the French and Italian upper houses and overshadowed only by the 3,000-member Chinese People's Congress.' Robert Saunders writes:
'For more than 100 years, Lords reform has focused on the convenience of the executive, rather than the quality of government. Greater clarity of purpose will be needed, if the next century of reform is to be more successful than the last.
Any future reform should begin by asking what the House is for. If we want an active and assertive chamber, able to block legislation and defy the will of the Commons, it must be democratically elected – and on a different system to the Commons. But if we want it to act simply as a revising chamber, it may be wiser to reform the existing model.'
The House of Lords is a problem for governments when it seeks to block legislation and it provides an opportunity for administrations who seek to pad it out with friends and donors.
Unicameralism, the practice of having a single legislative or parliamentary chamber, is in place in approximately half of the world's sovereign states, particularly in Scandinavia and Africa and also Australia and New Zealand. The principal advantage of a unicameral system is more efficient law making, as the legislative process is simpler and there is no possibility of deadlock. Proponents of unicameralism have also argued that it reduces costs, even if the number of legislators stay the same, since there are fewer institutions to maintain and support it.
Flatpack Democracy
In our current situation, Direct Democracy is likely to gain a foothold first at a local level. At the administrative level of county councils, citizens have historically felt more connected to the levers of power and have witnessed first hand how pressure, participation and campaigning can bring change to their immediate environment.
In early 2018, after seven years of austerity, Northamptonshire council - a model of Tory ideology - effectively went bankrupt, becoming the first local authority in two decades to issue a section 114 notice. Mismanagement was blamed, as if years of government-imposed cuts had no impact, or the projected £69m black hole opening up in its budgets for 2021 was immaterial. This crisis in municipal finances is not confined to Northamptonshire. Last year Lancashire county council published detailed research showing these very same pressures would, if not mitigated, leave it technically bankrupt by 2020. Now, under the strains of Coronavirus, eight out of ten English councils are at risk bankruptcy.
As the devastating consequences of austerity on local democracy became clear, an alternative model of local power emerged in South West England.
On the 7th May 2015 a small Somerset town voted against traditional party politics and gave a coalition of independents control of all 17 seats on its council. The town of Frome had become the crucible of Flatpack Democracy.
Originator Peter Macfadyean outlines in his publications how an intimate, humans-first and sophisticated local democracy can be achieved.
Over the last five years, more and more often, I have found myself stating that we have never lived in a democracy and what pretends to be one is an obscene farce. Now no one is pretending any more.
As individuals our powers to act are strictly limited mainly because we have given our powers away to so called representatives.
Meanwhile, it becomes increasingly difficult for many people to find and retain housing, to find employment that is not short term and poorly paid, and to meet other basic needs.
I believe that by focussing on the things we can control and pushing those boundaries to the limits we can reclaim the decisions that affect our own lives.
This is even more important now, not only because our politics is so fundamentally broken and needs a total makeover, but also because the pressures we face are increasing so rapidly.
As we (almost certainly) crash out of Europe, we'll find ourselves dealing with much more stress and uncertainly not to mention the lack of certain foods, medicines and other things we take for granted
A joined up, resilient community will have more chance of riding out the chaos and emerging less damaged and ready to move forward positively into the future.
Add to this the great unknown of the impact of climate change which could well make everything else that went before seem insignificant.
A town council focussed on regalia, twinning and bus shelters will be completely unfit to do much in the way of supporting its own community over the coming years.
If you haven't already, I would urge you take over your own council and drag it into 21st century (and if you don't have this level of council, there are ways to create one).
Only then can it begin to address the big issues we face now and into the future.
Since 2013 the Flatpack Democracy movement has shown that, by standing as a group of independent local councillors working closely together, people all over the country can and do steer their local councils to thrive and prosper, democratically.
Flatpack Democracy is such a crucial precursor to Direct Democracy that we will go into its emergence in detail elsewhere on DDUK.org. In the meantime check out these articles on the movement's ascension and achievements.
Digital Democracy
In 2015 the then Speaker of the House John Bercow sought to make good on his pledge to be a champion of democratic participation by setting up a commission to improve and open up 'the workings of the House of Commons' in an era revolutionised by digital technology.
'Over the past 25 years we have lived through a revolution – created by the birth of the world wide web and the rapid development of digital technology. This digital revolution has disrupted old certainties and challenged representative democracy at its very heart. With social media sources such as Twitter, blogs and 24/7 media, the citizen has more sources of information than ever before, yet citizens appear to operate at a considerable distance from their representatives and appear 'disengaged' from democratic processes. The jargon and practices of the House can be alienating and the sheer weight of information about politics, now available, can act as a wall, keeping the citizen out of the mysterious world of Westminster.'
'As Speaker I have tried to encourage greater participation in politics from the widest possible range of people. Hence, I established this unique Commission to consider the challenges and opportunities for our democracy that digital technology presents.'